Showing posts with label насилие. Show all posts
Showing posts with label насилие. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 10, 2024

enforcement

Прокуратура начала проверку после обращения медработников ФМБА к Владимиру Путину


Томская прокуратура начала проверку после обращения сотрудников центра ФМБА в Северске к президенту. Медработники говорят, что руководство учреждения неправомерно лишает их стимулирующих выплат и премий.

Прокуратура Томской области организовала проверку соблюдения прав медицинских работников закрытого города атомщиков Северска после того, как они пожаловались президенту Владимиру Путину. Видеообращение сотрудников Сибирского федерального научно-клинического центра (СибФНКЦ) ФМБА России появилось в интернете 9 января. Коллектив просит главу государства разобраться с проблемами в медучреждении, «визитной карточкой» которого, по словам выступающего, стало невыполнение обязательств по повышению оплаты труда медперсонала. Сотрудники СибФНКЦ рассказали, что им не предоставляются стимулирующие выплаты и премии в рамках ранее принятых правительственных приказов. Работники также упомянули невозможность достижения целевых показателей оплаты труда, установленных руководством клиники.

«Требуем вмешаться и провести проверку деятельности не только СибФНКЦ, но и всего ФМБА, так как такая картина с недостатком кадров из-за очень низкой заработной платы характерна для всех закрытых административных городов», — говорится в обращении.

На следующей день прокуратура сообщила в своем telegram-канале о начале проверки. «Надзорным ведомством будет дана оценка соблюдению прав медицинских работников на получение стимулирующих выплат», — говорится в сообщении.

Медработники регулярно записывают обращения напрямую к Путину, в которых жалуются на руководство своих медучреждений. В конце декабря о низких зарплатах и переработках президенту сообщили фельдшеры отделения скорой помощи одной из районных больниц Красноярского края. Они заявляли о намерении уволиться всем коллективом с 1 января 2024 года. До этого на сокращение зарплат Путину жаловались медработники в Тульской области.

Wednesday, November 15, 2023

overpopulation

Сколько людей способна вынести Земля?


В начале XIX столетия общее население Земли составляло 1 миллиард человек. А 15 ноября 2022 года, год назад, родился восьмимиллиардный житель нашей планеты. И по прогнозам учёных пик ожидается к 2080 году.

Учёные обеспокоены таким ростом, многие города и страны перенаселены. Но при этом на планете есть места, где вообще никто не живёт.

Чем грозит перенаселение и как планируется решать эту проблему? Или такой всё же не существует?

Saturday, August 26, 2023

SCORES SET TO GATHER FOR GBV AND FEMICIDE AWARENESS WALK IN HONOUR OF UYINENE

Organised by the Uyinene Mrwetyana Foundation, the walk is set to start at UCT's Roscommon Residence, where the slain 19-year-old student lived, on Saturday morning.


This past Thursday marked four years since the 19-year-old University of Cape Town (UCT) student was raped and killed while collecting a parcel at the Clareinch Post Office in Claremont. Picture: facebook.com

Lauren Isaacs | 26 August 2023 08:03

CAPE TOWN - Scores of people are expected to gather in Claremont on Saturday morning for a gender-based violence (GBV) and femicide awareness walk, organised by the Uyinene Mrwetyana Foundation.

This past Thursday marked four years since the 19-year-old University of Cape Town (UCT) student was killed after going to collect a parcel at the Clareinch Post Office in Claremont.

She went missing before she was found raped and murdered.

Post office employee Luyanda Botha confessed and was handed three life sentences in the Western Cape High Court in 2019.

The walk will start at UCT's Roscommon Residence where the young woman lived, and one of the stops will be the post office in Claremont, which the deceased's family plans to convert into a wellness centre for women and children.

UCT Spokesperson Elijah Moholola said the university would join the morning's event, as it remembers Mrwetyana as a young student whose life was characterised by determination and a passion for positive change.

He said the young woman demonstrated exceptional academic prowess, an unwavering commitment to her studies, and an infectious enthusiasm for life.

"To honour her legacy, UCT created the Uyinene Mrwetyana Scholarship in the Faculty of Humanities. We remember Uyinene as not just a victim of violence, but a champion for humanity, equality and justice. Let her life inspire us to strive for a society where everyone feels safe, valued and heard."

GBV awareness walk to mark 4 years since Uyinene Mrwetyana's murder

Monday, April 17, 2023

Northern Ireland's Violent History

U.S. President Biden is due to visit Northern Ireland and the the Republic of Ireland next week, marking the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement - generally acknowledged to have ended the conflict known as 'The Troubles', though instances of sporadic violence have occurred since.

The conflict was fought on political and national grounds, encompassing ethnic and sectarian dimensions. According to CAIN at Ulster University, 3,568 people died during The Troubles from 1969 to 2010. 1,879 were civilian and 1,117 were members of the British security forces. A further 300 were republican paramilitaries, 162 were loyalist paramilitaries and 11 were Irish security.Northern Ireland's Violent History

Thursday, April 13, 2023

Ulster

25 лет назад Великобритания и Республика Ирландия смогли найти решение по выходу из кровавой этнополитической смуты в Северной Ирландии, которая длилась почти 30 лет и унесла три с половиной тысячи человеческих жизней.

Договор, подписанный в Белфасте на Страстной неделе 1998 года и скрепивший мир между сторонами конфликта в Ольстере, получил название «Соглашение Страстной пятницы» (Good Friday Agreement).

Сегодня Северная Ирландия стала вновь серьезным раздражителем, поскольку не укладывается в логику Брексита. А Ольстер в эти дни превратился в инвестиционную площадку, куда прибыли премьер-министр Сунак и президент [США, которые, кстати, активно собирали бабло на справедливую борьбу ирландского народа] Байден.

Tuesday, February 21, 2023

Japan plans to raise age of consent

В Японии планируют поднять возраст сексуального согласия с 13 до 16 лет


Это предложение содержится в пакете дополнений и поправок к законам о сексуальных преступлениях, который одобрила рабочая группа министерства юстиции.

Нынешний возраст согласия в Японии - самый низкий среди развитых стран, в том числе стран "большой семерки", куда входит и Япония.

В большинстве этих стран возраст согласия установлен на уровне 14-16 лет. В Германии и Италии, например, возраст согласия - 14 лет, во Франции и Греции - 15, в Британии и многих штатах США - 16. В России - тоже 16 лет.

В Японии, подняв возраст согласия, собираются оставить одно исключение: наказуемым не будет секс между людьми, которым не меньше 13 лет, и у которых разница в возрасте составляет не больше пяти лет - то есть, речь прежде всего о сексе между тинейджерами.

Среди других изменений, которые Япония готовится внести в свои законы о сексуальных преступлениях - криминализация сексуальной эксплуатации несовершеннолетних и расширение понятия "изнасилование".

Saturday, September 17, 2022

The Dubious History of the Name 'King Charles'

'KING CHARLES'


Illustration of Charles I (1600-1649), King of England from 1625 to 1649, being beheaded by axe.
BY KARL VICK
SEPTEMBER 9, 2022 5:02 PM EDT

King Charles III, who ascended to the throne on Thursday, has chosen to rule with the name he was given at birth. But as a British king it comes with baggage.

Charles I, born in 1600, endured a stormy reign that ended with his execution 49 years later. In between, he provoked a civil war and erased the notion of an all-powerful monarchy—or indeed, of any monarchy at all for the 11 years after his beheading outside Banqueting House in London.

Charles II, his son, chose to lay low on the European continent for what came to be known as the Interregnum, moving from country to country to elude the long reach of Oliver Cromwell, the Puritan leader who led the uprising against his father. He returned only after the republic collapsed amid internal disagreement. England’s Restoration period commenced when the second Charles took the throne in 1661.

But it was a diminished monarchy. The civil war had been over whether England’s sovereign ruled with absolute authority.

Unlike his father, Charles II elected not to press the point, and the “merry monarch” was remembered mostly for his hedonism, many mistresses and deathbed conversion to Catholicism. His name lives on in the King Charles Spaniel, which is descended from the spaniel breeds he kept.

Portrait of King Charles II of England, 1653. Oil on canvas. Cleveland Museum of Art, Elisabeth Severance Prentiss Collection

The third King Charles is, at 73, the oldest British sovereign to ascend to the throne in its thousand-year history. His seven decades as heir apparent was also the longest wait. As Prince of Wales, Charles had a great deal of time to decide what name to take when the throne became his—naming yourself being one of the absolute powers that remain. And he had several of his own names to select from: The late Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip had their first-born christened Charles Philip Arthur George.

In fact, reports surfaced seven years ago that the man who would be king was inclined to go with George VII – an homage to his grandfather, born Albert and known to his family, even after taking the throne, as Bertie. “It would not just be a tribute to his grandfather,” former Buckingham Palace spokesman Dickie Arbiter told the BBC in 2005, “but a sort of loving memory to his late grandmother, whom he absolutely adored.”

And as The Times of London observed that year, beneath the Christmas Eve headline “Call me George, suggests Charles” ducking Charles III would also “avoid unhappy associations with some of the bloodiest periods in the monarchy’s history.

Wednesday, August 24, 2022

Where African Enslaved People Came From

Today is the International Day for the Remembrance of the Slave Trade and its Abolition. The day, dedicated by UNESCO, marks the start of the uprising of Haiti, which played a pivotal role in the abolition of the Transatlantic slave trade, and is intended to acknowledge and pay respect to the millions of innocent people whose lives were destroyed by the greed of colonial powers between the 15th and 19th centuries.

It is estimated that more 20 million people were forced to leave Africa enslaved – almost 11 million of those in the trans-Atlantic slave trade -, which amounted to a death sentence for many. Slavery also changed the social fabric of the African continent by cutting in half the population it would have had in 1800 had slavery not occurred. According to database project SlaveVoyages.com, this was especially true for parts of West and Southwest Africa, where millions of Africans were enslaved. 300,000 of them disembarked in the U.S. but more arrived via the inter-American slave trade. 4.5 million enslaved Africans disembarked in the Caribbean and 3.2 million in present-day Brazil.Where African Enslaved People Came From
интересно: откуда взяты эти оценки (посчитано таки до каждого человека)?
что они говорят о пользе демографии?

Thursday, May 12, 2022

mobile help

Mobile phones protect women from intimate partner violence (in low- and middle-income countries)

Luca Maria Pesando

In low- and middle-income countries, mobile phones can be viewed as empowering devices for women, says Luca Maria Pesando. Among other advantages, they frequently, although not always, protect women from intimate partner violence.

Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have improved in recent years and are now diffused widely across low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). This massive global social transformation has led scholars and policymakers to increasingly consider the potential of ICTs to empower marginalized communities and improve the lives of economically vulnerable individuals across multiple domains. Among these technologies, mobile phones have played a crucial role.

In LMICs, mobile phones serve a range of functions that may ultimately be associated with improved social development outcomes. With the maturation of the technology and the expansion of mobile data networks, the capabilities of mobile phones have expanded from enabling communication to expanding community outreach, providing rapid information, and delivering remote services (Aker and Mbiti 2010; Pesando and Rotondi 2020). A recent global-level study suggests that the expansion of mobile phones has bolstered sustainable development by narrowing gender inequalities, enhancing contraceptive use, and reducing maternal and child mortality, with biggest payoffs among the poorest countries and communities (Rotondi et al. 2020; Billari et al 2020).

Building on the increasing evidence that mobile phones may serve as vehicle for attaining the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in a recent paper I examine whether mobile phone ownership is associated with instances of intimate partner violence (IPV) within the household (Pesando 2022). While it is reasonable to expect mobile phones to serve a “protective” role for women by boosting communication, providing access to information, and expanding community outreach (mobile phones as “empowering”), it is also possible that individual phone ownership by women threatens the idea of male dominance within the household and challenges rooted patriarchal norms, in turn resulting into heightened violence on the part of male partners (mobile phones as “disempowering”). I try to reconcile these two views using data from Demographic and Health Surveys from 10 LMICs covering the period 2015-2017 combined with big data from external sources merged at the geospatial level. What I find is that women’s ownership of mobile phones is associated with a 9-12% decreased likelihood of emotional, physical, and sexual violence experienced over the previous 12 months, with robust findings observed across seven out of the 10 countries. Overall (except in specific contexts, such as Angola), mobile phones can be viewed as empowering devices.

Why mobile phones matter for IPV


Social scientists have extensively demonstrated that radio and television have the potential to shape dynamics of gender equality, socioeconomic development, and demographic change by spreading “transformative” content that often transcends national boundaries and ultimately leads to attitude and behavioral change (Jensen and Oster 2009; La Ferrara, Chong, and Duryea 2012). Despite their potential, radio and television are monological sources of information, while mobile phones enable a two-way (dialogical) communication that may affect IPV through many and diverse channels. Among these, mobile phones may affect women’s likelihood of experiencing IPV by streamlining communication, mitigating their sense of isolation from family and non-family members, enabling them to discuss private matters with other women, promoting community outreach and participation, boosting their decision-making power within the household, offering them the opportunity to access reproductive health services remotely (and privately, provided they have sufficient autonomy from their partners) and connect with shelters more swiftly. At a more systemic level, the diffusion of mobile phones may also shape both men’s and women’s attitudes towards women’s roles and responsibilities in society (Varriale et al. 2022).
 

Women’s ownership of mobile phones and IPV over the previous 12 months


Figure 1 (left panel) shows that women owning a mobile phone are 2.6, 2.7, and 1.3 percentage points less likely to have experienced emotional, physical, and sexual violence over the previous 12 months, respectively. In relative terms, these figures correspond to decreases in the range of 9-12%. These findings are observed in seven out of the 10 countries analyzed, are not driven by differences in socioeconomic status between individuals and households, and are also observed at the community level independently of the level of development of the specific community.

The (likely) underlying mechanisms


Given the available data, I tested whether, on average, the decision-making power within the household of women owning mobile phones differs from that of women without phones. Also, I investigated whether mobile phone ownership among male partners is associated with favorable or unfavorable attitudes towards IPV. Results are clear-cut and suggest that two mechanisms are consistent with the observed findings:

i) Women owning mobile phones hold, on average, greater decision-making power within the household relative to their counterparts without phones (Figure 2, top panel);
ii) male partners owning mobile phones hold, on average, less favorable attitudes towards IPV relative to their counterparts without phones (Figure 2, bottom panel), suggesting attitudinal shifts towards higher gender equality among male partners owning mobile phones.

Policy implications


Solo female ownership of mobile phones is overwhelmingly associated with lower IPV. The predictive power of mobile phones matters above and beyond socioeconomic progress for explaining variability in women’s IPV outcomes, and mobile phones matter more than radio, television, or landlines. Findings from this study align with other evidence from the African context suggesting that simple SMS-based communication can amplify the participatory features of monological media, creating new spaces for dialogue and public discussion around critical issues, such as IPV (Abreu Lopes and Srinivasan 2014). Mobile phones may constitute a relatively cheap policy lever to attain SDG number 5 (“achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”). Nonetheless, this can only be an effective policy strategy conditional on broader investments in cheaper, equitable access to technology enabling independent use and ICT (information, communication and technology) skill development, alongside strategies to close digital divides by gender.

These findings may be especially important in the COVID-19 era. During a pandemic that imposes lockdowns and movement restrictions, women and their abusers are bound to share the same space for long periods of time, thus increasing women’s risk of experiencing IPV. In such situations, women with mobile phones might be more likely to report IPV by accessing online services, by joining online forums and networks, or through recently developed mobile apps for help-seeking. The downside of this is that lacking a safe space and facing men who engage in more controlling behaviors, women might find it even more difficult to access individual mobile phone ownership.
 

References

  • Abreu Lopes, C., & Srinivasan, S. (2014). Africa’s voices: Using mobile phones and radio to foster mediated public discussion and to gather public opinions in Africa (CGHR Working Paper No. 9). Cambridge, UK: Centre of Governance and Human Rights.
  • Aker, J. C., & Mbiti, I. M. (2010). Mobile phones and economic development in Africa. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 24(3), 207–232.
  • Billari, F., Kashyap, R., Pesando, L. M., Rotondi, V., & Trinitapoli, J. (2020) Putting mobile phones in women’s hands spurs sustainable development, Neodemos, https://www.niussp.org/gender-issues/putting-mobile-phones-in-womens-hands-spurs-sustainable-development/
  • Jensen, R., & Oster, E. (2009). The power of TV: Cable television and women’s status in India. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 124, 1057–1094.
  • La Ferrara, E., Chong, A., & Duryea, S. (2012). Soap operas and fertility: Evidence from Brazil. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 4(4), 1–31.
  • Pesando L. M. (2022). Safer If Connected? Mobile Technology and Intimate Partner Violence. Demography (online first) https://doi.org/10.1215/00703370-9774978
  • Pesando, L. M., & Rotondi, V. (2020). Mobile technology and gender equality. In W. L. Filho, A. M. Azul, L. Brandli, A. L. Salvia, & T. Wall (Eds.), Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals: Gender Equality. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Nature.
  • Rotondi, V., Kashyap, R., Pesando, L. M., Spinelli, S., & Billari, F. C. (2020). Leveraging mobile phones to attain sustainable development. Proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences, 117, 13413–13420.
  • Varriale, C., Pesando, L. M., Kashyap, R., & Rotondi, V. (2022). Mobile phones and attitudes toward women’s participation in politics: Evidence from Africa. Sociology of Development. Advance online publication.

Saturday, April 30, 2022

Emergency contraception

Волонтеры везут в Украину средства экстренной контрацепции


Благотворительные организации доставляют в украинские больницы препараты экстренной контрацепции, чтобы помочь жертвам сексуального насилия.

Около трех тысяч упаковок таблеток для экстренного прерывания беременности были отправлены в те районы Украины, которые пострадали в результате российского вторжения.

Эти препараты предоставила Международная федерация планирования семьи (IPPF).

Представительница организации Керолайн Хиксон рассказала, что таблетки нужно доставить как можно быстрее – они эффективны всего пять дней после возможного зачатия.

Организация также направляла в Украину таблетки для медикаментозных абортов, которые можно применять вплоть до 24-й недели беременности.

Доставлять таблетки в Украину IPPF помогают Фонд ООН в области народонаселения и Международный медицинский корпус.

Би-би-си располагает свидетельствами того, что украинские женщины подвергались изнасилованиям со стороны российских военных под Киевом.

Wednesday, December 15, 2021

Responsibility and guilt

Обложка книги Николая Эппле

Ответственность и вина — не одно и то же. Что мы узнали из книги «Неудобное прошлое»


Почему Германии понадобилось больше 30 лет, чтобы осмыслить нацистское прошлое


В народном голосовании премии «Просветитель» победила книга исследователя мемориальной культуры Николая Эппле «Неудобное прошлое», где он изучает, как общества в разных странах прорабатывали тему государственных преступлений в своей истории. Мы прочитали книгу и пересказываем основные тезисы об осмыслении прошлого из опыта Германии.

Нюрнбергский миф


Эппле делает на Германии особый акцент: именно немецкий опыт стал образцом формирования памяти о трагических событиях прошлого. Нюрнбергский трибунал вообще считается символом правосудия и морального торжества правды над злом. Однако, пишет автор, на самом деле все обстояло несколько сложнее:

«В ситуации, когда преступление не осуждено, привлекательным способом восстановления справедливости начинает выглядеть месть со стороны близких жертв» Николай Эппле «Неудобное прошлое. Память о государственных преступлениях в России и других странах»

«Реальные плоды Нюрнберга и реальное отношение к нему современников сильно отличались от блестящего „Нюрнбергского мифа“».

Нюрнбергский процесс проходил сразу же после войны в 1945–1946 годах, и даже после него немецкое общество было еще крайне далеко от какого-либо консенсуса по поводу нацистского прошлого. Все 1950-е годы популярностью пользовалась доктрина «оставить прошлое позади», согласно которой общество производит некий разрыв со своим прошлым, рисует перед ним финишную черту и начинает жизнь сначала. В первые же послевоенные годы большинство немцев и вовсе выказывало нейтральное отношение к нацистскому режиму, считая главными жертвами войны в первую очередь самих себя.

Эппле объясняет это тем, что в Нюрнберге вся моральная работа по осуждению нацизма выполнялась представителями союзных стран — СССР, США, Великобритании и Франции. То есть справедливость устанавливалась тогда извне, при помощи внешних сил. И хотя Нюрнбергский процесс помог рядовым немцам уяснить, что виновные в страшных преступлениях найдены и наказаны, он никак не затрагивал тему ответственности всего германского общества перед жертвами нацизма.
Международный военный трибунал на Нюрнбергском процессе представляли восемь судей из СССР, США, Великобритании и Франции. 

О реальном осмыслении нацизма в Германии можно говорить лишь в контексте уже 1970-х годов — когда при смене поколений тема преступлений прошлого перестала интересовать только интеллигенцию и стала частью массовой культуры. Символом этой перемены Эппле называет прокат фильма «Холокост», который на момент его выхода в 1978 году посмотрели 48% жителей Западной Германии. В этот же период изучение истории нацистских преступлений стало обязательным элементом школьной программы, а немецкий парламент отменил сроки давности преследований за геноцид евреев.

Ошибка подхода, при котором прошлое без всякого осмысления остается позади, заключается в том, что любое случайное соприкосновение с этим самым прошлым будет бередить старые незажившие раны и вызывать дискомфорт. Эппле пишет, что по своим последствиям такой способ работы с прошлым имеет много схожего с его отрицанием, «которое обрекает индивида и социум на существование <…> в постоянном опасении и оглядке, как бы не вскрылось что-то такое, о чем не хочется помнить и вспоминать».
Кадр из фильма «Холокост» с Мэрил Стрип в главной роли, реж. Марвин Чомски, 1978

Чтобы избежать этого, Эппле предлагает вместо финишной черты перед страшными событиями прошлого проводить черту разделительную. То есть не пытаться забыть о прошлом, а, наоборот, установить с ним связь, но только в ином качестве — принять его. Эппле руководствуется здесь идеями из психологии памяти — дисциплины, которая фокусируется на отдельных людях. В ней принятие понимается как готовность человека, не отворачиваясь, посмотреть на трудные для осознания события и факты:
«Только осмыслив и приняв травматическое событие, можно без риска для психики жить дальше».

Ответственность — не вина


Несмотря на то что Нюрнбергский трибунал помог наказать многих преступников, он все равно не снимает вопрос о самостоятельной проработке прошлого теми, кто не был непосредственным участником тех событий. Говоря о том, как потомки жертв и преступников, живущие в одном обществе, могли бы обсуждать прошлое, Эппле предлагает:

«Переместиться с позиции внешнего наблюдателя, обвиняющего, на позицию участника, принимающего ответственность».

Само понятие «ответственность» можно понимать по-разному. Первое понимание — как раз что-то вроде вины, когда нести ответственность — значит, например, предстать перед судом. Но есть и вторая трактовка, когда под ответственностью понимаются нравственные обязательства, которые берет на себя отдельный человек или целое общество, причем добровольно и самостоятельно. В основном эти обязательства — делать все возможное, чтобы не позволить произошедшим преступлениям повториться вновь.

Пример такого подхода виден в словах Дженнифер Тиге — дочери нигерийца и немки, которая однажды узнала о том, что ее дедушка был комендантом концлагеря (ее дедом был Амон Гёт по прозвищу «мясник из Плашова», которого сыграл Рэйф Файнс в фильме «Список Шиндлера». — Прим. ред.). Разумеется, она не виновата в преступлениях предка, но в своей книге «Мой дедушка бы меня расстрелял» она пишет о том, что по-прежнему берет на себя моральные обязательства в контексте преступлений ее родственников:

«Моя ответственность единственно в том, чтобы не переставать говорить об этом».

Не молчать о преступлениях в истории своей страны, не скрывать свершившегося зла — единственный способ, с помощью которого потомки как жертв, так и палачей могут справиться с «неудобным прошлым». И это важно в том числе и с политической точки зрения, ведь для сохранения коллективной идентичности нации нужно спасение не только позитивного, но и негативного опыта. Часто это даже лучше сплачивает людей, усиливает их чувство сопричастности к истории страны. Если же этого не делать, сознание неосужденного, необговоренного зла будет блокировать связь с прошлым и раскалывать общество, делить его на изолированные группы с собственной историей и собственной этикой. В такой ситуации обществу будет сложнее развиваться, а людям внутри этого общества — доверять друг другу.

непонятно: почему Германия, в книжке есть гораздо (имхо) более примерные примеры

Monday, November 15, 2021

Homicide is a top cause of maternal death in the United States

Evaluation of death certificates from national database paints grim picture for pregnant women.


A woman speaks at a protest to demand standards to prevent violence against women.

Pregnant women in the United States die by homicide more often than they die of pregnancy-related causes — and they’re frequently killed by a partner, according to a study published last month in Obstetrics & Gynecology1. Researchers revealed this grim statistic by using death certificates to compare homicides and pregnancy-related deaths across the entire country for the first time.

Although smaller studies have tracked homicides during pregnancy at the state and local level, confirming the scope of the phenomenon on a national scale is valuable, says Vijay Singh, a physician at the University of Michigan Medical School in Ann Arbor, who studies how health-care workers can monitor abuse by current and former romantic partners. “You can’t understand a problem unless you can measure it.”

The study results, he adds, are “stunning”.

The researchers found that US women who are pregnant or were pregnant in the past 42 days (the post-partum period) die by homicide at more than twice the rate that they die of bleeding or placental disorders — the leading causes of what are usually classified as pregnancy-related deaths. Also, becoming pregnant increases the risk of death by homicide: between the ages of 10 and 44 years, women who are pregnant or had their pregnancy end in the past year are killed at a rate 16% higher than are women who are not pregnant.

“For more than 20 years, researchers have been talking about pregnancy-associated death and homicide of women,” says Phyllis Sharps, a nurse-scientist at the Johns Hopkins School of Nursing in Baltimore, Maryland. The consensus, she says, is that this is happening in large part because of violence by intimate partners.

‘An age and race story’


To arrive at a national snapshot, reproductive epidemiologist Maeve Wallace at Tulane University in New Orleans, Louisiana, and her co-authors analysed data for deaths in all 50 US states from 2018 and 2019, using information in the National Center for Health Statistics database, which is hosted by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

In 2003, the United States began requiring that death certificates indicate whether a person had died while pregnant, or within either 42 days or 1 year of the end of a pregnancy. By 2010, about 37 states included such an option on their certificates; by 2018, all 50 states required this information. This year, Wallace and coworkers analysed the resulting records. According to their count, across 2018 and 2019, a total of 273 women died by homicide either while pregnant or within a year of the end of their pregnancy.

When tracking deaths among pregnant women in the United States, the CDC doesn’t classify homicide, accidents or suicides as causes of ‘maternal mortality’. Wallace and others say homicides should be counted, because there is indeed a connection between homicide and pregnancy.

The overall rate of maternal mortality in the United States is on the rise. And it is particularly high for a wealthy country. Contributing factors include inadequate access to health care, staff who are poorly trained for obstetric emergencies, and subpar care given to Black women because of racism in clinical practice.

On the basis of years of study, specialists in intimate-partner violence expect women who are already in abusive relationships to be at increased risk of homicide if they become pregnant. Wallace and her co-authors say that about two-thirds of the homicides recorded in their data occurred in the person’s home, suggesting that the woman was killed by her partner. It’s not a perfect indicator, Wallace says, “but it’s all we’ve got in these data”.

The team found that Black women in the United States who are pregnant or were recently pregnant have up to nearly three-fold higher risk of dying by homicide than those who are not pregnant — the highest increase reported among any racial or ethnic group. (The team reported rates only among Black, Hispanic and white women, because the sample sizes for other groups — such as Asian American women or Native American women — were too small to publish.)

Black women are similarly at heightened risk of death from obstetric causes. Overall, Black women who are pregnant or were recently pregnant die of pregnancy-related causes 2.5 times as often as non-Hispanic white women, according to the CDC.

Age is also a factor in pregnancy-related homicide, the team found: young women between the ages of 10 and 24 are at higher risk of homicide while pregnant than are those who are older, according to the study. “It’s an age and race story,” Wallace says.

What Wallace and coworkers “have done with the data available gives more confidence to the scope of the problem and the work that came before”, says Aaron Kivisto, a clinical psychologist at the University of Indianapolis in Indiana who studies domestic violence and suicide prevention. In a study published in February this year2, he and his colleagues showed increased risk of homicide for Black pregnant women, compared with white or Hispanic pregnant women.

Sharps says part of the reason that Black women are at higher risk could be that experiences of racism have led them to be more distrustful of law-enforcement agencies and less likely to bring forward complaints about domestic violence.

Studies such as Wallace’s could be used by policymakers or hospital administrators to improve monitoring of pregnant people and those who have recently given birth, Singh says. It could also build public understanding of harms and risks during pregnancy. “There’s an idea in our society that pregnancy is a happy time,” Sharps says. “But for a lot of women, that’s just not true, and a lot of women are just not safe in their homes.”

doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-021-03392-8

Editor’s note: Nature recognizes that transgender men and non-binary people can become pregnant. We use ‘women’ in this story to reflect the language used in the study, which is based on death certificates that identify people only as men or women.

Monday, May 31, 2021

100 Years After the Tulsa Race Massacre

Meet the Forensic Anthropologist Searching for Victims' Remains


BY OLIVIA B. WAXMAN MAY 27, 2021 10:02

A century after the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre (или см сюда), during which a white mob torched Black homes and businesses in the Oklahoma city’s Greenwood area, which was also known as Black Wall Street, some basic questions about the event remain unanswered. Some estimates that say up to people 300 died, but information on the victims’ identities and exact numbers is missing.

Then, last fall, a clue was discovered: after years of researchers searching for evidence, 11 coffins were found in the city’s Oaklawn Cemetery, and scholars believe they may contain victims’ remains. On Tuesday, the anniversary of the tragedy, in hopes of finding some resolution, a full excavation of the site will begin and is expected to last well into the summer.

“This first excavation is probably not the last, because this site isn’t the only site of interest,” says Phoebe Stubblefield, a University of Florida forensic anthropologist and a leader of the dig. “If my colleagues and I confirm this summer that these remains are our race-massacre dead, it doesn’t shut the door on what happened in that history.”

Stubblefield, 52, was recruited for this investigation about two decades ago, in part because her parents were Tulsa natives and she grew up visiting family there in the summer. But she didn’t realize she had a personal connection to the massacre until she took the job.

She spoke to TIME about about her family’s ties to this history, what the excavation entails, and how the search for the remains of Tulsa Race Massacre victims fits into a long and troubling history of the careless treatment of Black bodies.

TIME: In general, What does a forensic anthropologist do?

STUBBLEFIELD: I help people who investigate deaths. I help them get an idea what the cause of death is, or I help them identify who the person is, if all that’s left are bones.

Are there certain tools of the trade that forensic anthropologists use that are key to doing your work?

We use a lot of measuring devices. We do a lot of photography. We use infrared light to examine wounds, for example, or bruises or tattoos. And we spend a lot of time trying to figure out how better to improve our analyses. My research is focused on trying to find a better way to estimate time since death; trying to better establish a connection to the community for anatomical gifts, skeletons preferably, because our parent field, physical anthropology, has its history; and in grave piracy. We often lack skeletal remains for any purpose—teaching, research. We lack remains that have clear sources, you know, someone donated them or they were purchased, back when you could easily purchase a skeleton.

We’re seeing those issues play out with the controversy over the recently discovered remains of a MOVE bombing victim, right?

I probably have not one colleague, at least not in my generation or older, who can say they trained without being exposed to unprovenanced skeletal remains. The MOVE remains had provenance, they were just being used without any notion of what would the descendants or their families want. And I get how that happens because that’s part of our history with the use of human remains in the United States. [There’s a long history of using] the remains of Black people for anatomy instruction without any kind of consent. Probably by 2000, we’ve shifted away from just using remains willy-nilly and have embraced as a discipline more—not fully—the idea of making sure someone associated with those remains gave consent.

How did you get interested in becoming a forensic anthropologist?

Our house [in Los Angeles] had that collection of encyclopedias that people used to always have. And part of that collection [was] a Time-Life series on natural history; one of the books was on the Neanderthal. So some of the vocabulary of human paleoanthropology I was familiar with before I got to college because of that series. Sometime late my freshman year I sat down with myself and looked at my academic record and considered which courses I was enjoying quite a bit, and anthropology was it.

Your family has a connection to Tulsa and the massacre that happened there 100 years ago. To what extent did that family history factor into your decision to go into this field or pursue certain projects in this field perhaps once you were in it?

The Tulsa race massacre wasn’t talked about, so I didn’t know about it until my colleague Lesley Rankin-Hill said around 1997, “There’s this project to investigate this race riot,” and I said, “What race riot?” The project needed another forensic anthropologist, and I’d visited Tulsa all my life every summer growing up, and she knew my parents were from there, so she thought I’d be interested. The first thing I did was I call home and said, “You know, there was this race riot,” and my mother said, “Yes, your Aunt Anna lost her house.”

How does it feel to gear up for this next stage of the dig in on June 1? What’s going through your head?

I’m hoping and praying we find the right people. I’m just hoping and praying because this, you know—I’m contributing to my parents’ city. I still have cousins there, but they’re not directly involved. Sometimes I’m reminding them that the investigation’s going on.

I just pray that we find the right people because we’ve been looking for them for a long time and we finally got to this point where we could actually test the locations that witnesses said are important. I just hope we get to all of them.

What’s the state of the investigation at the moment?

In October of last year, we found an actual mass grave—a collection of coffins packed in close together, perhaps stacked on top of each other. We have not excavated all of it. We excavated one part and found multiple plain caskets packed in together, and then a few masculine bones that were robust, [which] makes me think we might find a collection of men. We were looking for 18 adult males packed into one area, or nearly one area, to represent that event, where the people we call the Original 18 were buried in Oaklawn. All that information disappeared more than 20 years ago because records for Oaklawn Cemetery conveniently disappeared.

We literally just scratched the surface, so we’re going to go back and test all of them, and see if we can tell who’s in there, you know, if time and preservation allows.

What does testing involve?

We’re bringing in a building so we can have a temperature-controlled area to see what skeletal remains are there and look for signs of gunshot wounds, because most of the individuals [killed in the massacre] died from gunshot wounds. We’ll look for signs of burning that’ll mainly be based on the positioning of the bones in the casket. If they’re still positioned in the pugilistic pose [a defensive posture], then we’ll have an idea that that’s them. Other signs of burning won’t preserve well, and so mainly it’s the gunshot wounds. We’re looking for the circumstances to occur together— mostly males, with gunshot wounds, in one spot at Oaklawn.

Where does this latest stage fit into the history of investigating the history of the Tulsa race massacre?

So 20 years ago, Scott Ellsworth, who did his dissertation research on the Tulsa Race Riot, got together with the state archaeologists and they started interviewing survivors that were still living, and they collected narratives and sorted them for possibilities of being useful or accurate, and came up with three locations that had a high likelihood of having either burials or mass graves. From newspaper documentation, we knew on June 2 that they were burying people they were calling insurrectionists in Oaklawn Cemetery, in the Black potters’ field. We’ve surveyed another site, Newblock Park, multiple times and have not gotten good signals. Rolling Oaks is another area particularly of interest, because we haven’t surveyed it yet; [in there] would be individuals who have not been identified, and who knows the state of remains, because these would be people probably hidden in burned debris.



How are you hoping the excavation beginning on June 1 helps answer unanswered questions about the massacre?

Technically the whole issue of “this event happened” is one of the questions that we’re testing. I have no doubt. There are images, right? But the people of Greenwood have lived for a long time with multiple narratives about this race massacre having occurred, part of that narrative being, “How many black individuals were killed? How many were lost?” And we don’t know, because the National Guard did not allow any funerals to occur. I don’t know why they did that, but it made it difficult to come up with a count of casualties as a result.

Having this investigation will give us some resolution on how many people ended up in that Oaklawn Black potters’ field area. We hope to have DNA analysis to assist us with identification. I want to validate the claims of Greenwood residents who long said we need to find these people. I am looking forward to contributing their story back to the living. This is their time to have their appropriate recognition.

What is it like to be a Black woman doing this research?

It’s humbling and I’m grateful because I didn’t go into forensic anthropology to work on the Tulsa race massacre. I went into forensic anthropology because I wanted to tell people stories from their skeletons. I’m telling people’s stories, speaking for the dead and sometimes their families. And so I’m grateful to live long enough to make it now because 20 years ago, we didn’t get to test a single one of our sites; everything just fizzled out. I did not expect we would get a chance.

могут поворить?

Wednesday, January 20, 2021

Anti-Government Extremist Groups In The U.S.

The growing threat from anti-government groups in the U.S. was highlighted by the shocking events at the Capitol on January 06 when the far-right Oath Keepers, Three Percenters (лукашенковцы? Саша=3%), Boogaloo Bois, and The Proud Boys were spotted among the crowds of Trump supporters storming the country's seat of power. Experts had been warning about the increasing influence of such groups for years, particularly since Charlottesville. The FBI is now warning that armed protests are set to occur in all 50 states head of Joe Biden's inauguration. So how many anti-government groups are active in the U.S. today?

The Southern Poverty Law Center, a prominent U.S. civil rights group, identified 576 extreme anti-government groups in 2019, 181 of which were militias. That represents a reduction on the 612 groups documented in 2018 and it is also far fewer than the 1,360 that were active in 2012. The decline in active groups under Trump is a common historic pattern when Republican presidents are in office. [всё от бедности?]

The Southern Poverty Law Center states that anti-government groups in 2019 generally defined themselves as "being opposed to the 'New World Order', being engaged in groundless conspiracy theorizing or advocating or adhering to extreme anti-government doctrines". They continue by adding that they have a president in office who shares a penchant for conspiracy theories such as "the deep state" and that the groups have now found themselves on the same side as the federal government they long sought to overthrow. That led to an increasing focus on white nationalism, particularly hostility towards Muslims and immigrants.

Joe Biden's election and Trump's energization of his base via false information concerning election fraud has brought the government back into the crosshairs and a return of the sentiment towards overthrowing it. That sentiment became a shocking reality on January 06 and the possibility of a repeat performance is now being taken very seriously judging by the fact that up to 25,000 National Guard troops are set to be deployed on the streets of Washington to quell any outbreaks of violence.Infographic: Anti-Government Extremist Groups In The U.S. | Statista

Saturday, December 19, 2020

REDUCING VIOLENCE WITHOUT POLICE

A REVIEW OF RESEARCH EVIDENCE

REPORT SUBMITTED TO ARNOLD VENTURES BY THE JOHN JAY COLLEGE RESEARCH ADVISORY GROUP ON PREVENTING AND REDUCING COMMUNITY VIOLENCE
Contents



Executive Summary

Arnold Ventures asked the Research and Evaluation Center at John Jay College of Criminal Justice to review and summarize research on policies and programs known to reduce community violence without relying on police. To accomplish this goal, the Research and Evaluation Center assembled a diverse group of academic consultants across the fields of criminology, social and behavioral sciences, public health, epidemiology, law, and public policy. The group met several times during the summer of 2020 to produce an accessible synthesis of research evidence. Key questions were:
  • Can communities ensure the health and security of residents without depending on law enforcement,
  • What is the strongest research evidence to aid in the selection of violence-reduction strategies,
  • How can community leaders and funding organizations like Arnold Ventures draw upon existing evidence while building even better evidence, and
  • How can funding organizations use this report to elevate discussions about violence, improve outcomes in communities affected by violence, and help local and national partners to identify evidence-based interventions that are ready to be scaled.
The consultants used a broad lens to define community violence as the type of interpersonal violence that occurs in public places, but they considered the personal and structural antecedents of violence as well. By identifying the precursors of violence and emphasizing both their practical salience and theoretical relevance, the group sought to identify the most useful evidence for preventing and reducing community violence.

This report represents the consultants’ best advice for funding organizations and community leaders, but it is not a technical synthesis of research or a meta-analysis of the most rigorous studies. (There are sources for that information already, see CrimeSolutions.gov, a site hosted for the U.S. Department of Justice.)

This report summarizes the collective judgment of an experienced group of researchers who were free to consider all evidence, unconstrained by the conventional priority given to randomized controlled trials (RCT). The most rigorous studies in the field of community violence are RCTs, but many focus on individual behaviors only, failing to account for the full social context giving rise to those behaviors, including social and economic inequities, institutionalized discrimination, and the racial and class biases of the justice system itself.

To synthesize evidence in an inclusive manner, one must be aware of social context and prioritize solutions that help to address structural impediments while still providing immediate interventions to reduce violence. Unless research evidence is considered in this context, potentially effective strategies may be overlooked simply because they target community-level change rather than individual change, and for that reason are difficult to evaluate and the research literature to back them up is inevitably less rigorous and less prominent.

With these goals in mind, the members of the research group worked collaboratively to identify, translate, and summarize evidence for strategies to reduce violence without police. To identify the most important and potentially effective strategies, the research group placed a high value on programs designed with a clear theoretical rationale and outcomes at specific levels—i.e. individuals, families, neighborhoods (including blocks and street segments), or larger geopolitical boundaries, including cities and counties. Recognizing that evaluation research tends to favor programs aimed at individual behaviors, the group made an effort to include strategies focused on community-level change with the potential to achieve durable, scalable effects.

The research advisory group also focused on the time frame for intervention. Some effective methods for preventing violence take years to reach their maximum effect. Some well-known strategies generate outcomes in a year or two, but that doesn’t make them the best ideas. The research advisory group resisted a systematic bias favoring short-term interventions.

The group identified seven evidence-backed strategies:


Improve the Physical Environment

Place-based interventions that are structural, scalable, and sustainable have been shown to reduce violence and many strategies are economically viable. Increasing the prevalence of green space in a neighborhood, improving the quality of neighborhood buildings and housing, and creating public spaces with ample lighting suitable for pedestrian traffic can be cost-effective ways of decreasing community violence.

Strengthen Anti-Violence Social Norms and Peer Relationships

Programs such as Cure Violence and Advance Peace view violence as a consequence of social norms spread by peer networks and social relationships. Outreach workers, a key part of these interventions, form supportive and confidential relationships with individuals at the highest risk of becoming perpetrators or victims of violence, connecting them with social resources and working to shift their behavior and attitudes toward non-violence. Evaluations suggest these programs may help reduce neighborhood violence.

Engage and Support Youth

Young people, especially young males, account for a disproportionate amount of community violence. Any effort to reduce violence must involve a special focus on youth. Strategies that add structure and opportunities for youth have been shown to decrease their involvement in violent crime. Youth employment, job mentorship and training, educational supports, and behavioral interventions can improve youth outcomes and reduce violence. Some of these strategies require relatively costly individualized therapeutic interventions, but others focused on work and school have been associated with cost-efficient reductions in violence.

Reduce Substance Abuse

Numerous studies show that interventions to reduce harmful substance abuse are associated with lower rates of community violence, and not all strategies involve treatment. Policies to enforce age limits on alcohol access, restrict alcohol sales in certain areas or during specific times, as well as increasing access to treatment have been shown to decrease violent crime.

Mitigate Financial Stress

Financial stability and economic opportunities help to reduce crime. Short-term assistance, especially when coupled with behavioral therapy programs, appears to affect rates of violence and the timing of financial aid plays a role in community safety. People experiencing negative income shocks are less inclined to behave violently when they receive timely financial assistance.

Reduce the Harmful Effects of the Justice Process

The judicial process must be viewed as legitimate for community members to engage effectively with law enforcement in reducing violence. Research suggests that community safety is supported when justice systems operate with transparency, openness, consistency, and trust, and when police departments are willing to address complaints from the community.

Confront the Gun Problem

Implementing comprehensive and uniform gun policies can decrease the use of firearms in violent acts. Violence has been reduced by policy mechanisms that limit access to guns and increase restrictions for individuals with violent crime backgrounds, reduce access to guns by young people, impose waiting periods, and increase required training.

RECOMMENDATIONS

  • Behavior responds to situational and environmental influences. In addition to changing behavior one person at a time, communities should create physical environments that reduce violence with cost-effective, place-based interventions that are structural, scalable, and sustainable.
  • Violence can be reduced by increasing pro-social bonds and anti-violence norms across communities, especially when the message comes from community-based programs staffed by familiar and credible messengers.
  • Violence prevention and reduction strategies must include a priority on young people, focusing on protective factors as well as risk factors.
  • Violence prevention must include a focus on alcohol distribution, drug decriminalization, and treatment.
  • Violence is more prevalent where residents face severe and chronic financial stress. Timely and targeted financial assistance can help to reduce rates of violence.
  • To maximize the benefits and reduce the potential harms of the formal justice system, communities should invest in strategies designed to increase the objectivity, neutrality, and transparency of the justice process.
  • Keeping firearms away from people inclined to use them for violence is challenging given widespread gun ownership in the United States, but it remains an essential part of any effort to reduce community violence.
  • Effective prevention should include short-term strategies with rapid returns, but ignoring long-term investments increases community risk.
  • To generate reliable evidence, funding entities should place a priority on research involving significant and sustained community engagement.
  • Assessing the strength of research evidence is a technical skill. Evaluations of violence reduction efforts should involve teams of experts from a variety of fields, and advanced degrees are not enough. Experts in evaluation methods, statistics, and causal inference are essential partners.
  • Prioritizing intervention strategies based simply on the results and methodological rigor of research published in academic journals is dangerously naive and harmful. Strategies to reduce violence should reflect an appropriate balance of evidentiary support with theoretical salience and practical viability.
  • Many strategies for reducing violence require direct contact with human subjects for interviews and surveys. Funding entities should continue to invest in these studies, but more effort should be made to design cost-effective evaluations using pre-existing, administrative data from varying sectors, including schools, hospitals, housing, taxes, employment records, commercial sales, business regulations, etc. Researchers and funders should collaborate in designing data analytic projects and natural experiments that test a wide array of policies and programs for their potential to reduce violence.

Thursday, October 29, 2020

compulsory contraception

Drug addicts and women with learning difficulties should have compulsory contraception to ‘prevent child abuse’, Dutch experts claim

  • Advisory group lodged the proposal with the Dutch House of Representatives
  • Child protection officials would be able to apply for a court order
  • The order could be sought if the woman had a psychiatric illness, a learning difficulty, a Hepatitis B or C infection, or a history of abusing children 
By RYAN FAHEY FOR MAILONLINE

A group of child protection experts has urged the Dutch government to roll out compulsory contraception for women who are addicted to drugs or mentally ill to 'prevent child abuse'.

The Standing Committee for Compulsory Contraception has lodged the proposal with the Dutch House of Representatives which claims the measure would stop children being abused by mothers who are unable to cope with raising them.

The proposal, which could see 'hundreds' of women given a contraceptive implant or injection, would see child protection officials apply for a court order to curb a woman's ability to conceive for a given period of time.

The court order could be sought if the woman had a mental health condition, a diagnosed learning difficulty, a Hepatitis B or C infection, or if she had a history of child abuse, Dutch News reported.
я = контрацептив
The proposal, which could see 'hundreds' of women given a contraceptive implant or injection, suggested a system in which child protection officials would apply for a court order to curb a woman's ability to conceive for a given period of time. (Pictured: A contraceptive implant)

Former juvenile judge Cees de Groot, who submitted the proposal, used an example of a prostitute with a diagnosed psychiatric illness whose clients paid more for a pregnant woman - leading to her wanting a child.

De Groot told AD.nl that 70 per cent of women considered vulnerable already co-operated with voluntary contraception, adding that it was the 30 per cent who didn't who were a cause for concern.

Heleen Dupuis, a former cabinet minister, who is also a member of the advisory group, said that forced contraception was 'the lesser of two evils'.

In 2016, current health minister Hugo de Jonge made a similar proposal, calling the measures 'a very complex and sensitive subject'.

‘The situations in which some children come into the world are downright harrowing. That’s why I support the prevention of vulnerable parenthood,’ he said.
Hugo de Jonge
In 2016, current health minister Hugo de Jonge (pictured earlier this month) made a similar proposal, calling the measures 'a very complex and sensitive subject'

The proposal has been controversial among Dutch parties and members of parliament are reluctant to support it, according to iamexpat.nl.

Member of the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), Ockje Tellegen, said the party was hesitant to support the measures.

'Children must be protected, sometimes unfortunately also from their parents,' she said.

'They cannot do that themselves, so there is a task for the government.

'Doctors and judges can already advise contraception.

'The question is therefore whether a separate law is necessary. The VVD is very hesitant.'

Kees van der Staaij, member of the Reformed Political Party (SGP), said the government should 'never cross the border to determine who can have children.'

Thursday, September 17, 2020

cancel culture

Умственная однородность


Юлия Меламед о том, что новая «культура бойкота» -- это «старая добрая» культура погрома 


14.07.2020, 08:09

«150 писателей, в том числе гонимая Джоан Роулинг, подписали письмо против нового на Западе явления cancel culture. Термин относится к популярной практике бойкота, остракизма, шельмования людей, допустивших спорные поступки или высказывания, способные вызвать возражения или кажущиеся обидными». Чуть-чуть посмакуем информповод.

Автор «Гарри Поттера» сама подверглась бойкоту за «трансфобию». То есть за ненависть к трансгендерным людям. Хотя Роулинг много раз отрицала, что переживает подобное чувство. И даже очень внятно высказалась по сути дела. Но внятная речь всегда бывает плохо слышна за криками «ату его».

А дело было так. Роулинг случайно увидела в сети фразу, где вместо слова «женщины» была употреблена вот такая интересная конструкция: «люди, которые менструируют». Это была статья о пост-ковидном мире, статья требовала большего равенства для женщин (ну, то есть не для женщин, а для этих тварей, которые…). Трудный этот новый язык, граждане, беда, какой трудный. Роулинг поперхнулась этой фразой и решила поиздеваться над новомодным обезьяньим языком. Она сделала репост этого текста, сопроводив саркастичной подписью: «Уверена, у нас было какое-то слово для таких людей. Кто-нибудь, помогите мне». И добавила несколько искаженных вариантов слова «женщина», силясь вспомнить, как же это слово звучит. В стиле Зощенко почти.

Ну, собственно и все. Конец Джоан Роулинг. Поклонники больше не упоминают ее имени. Издатели отказываются от сотрудничества с ней. Тома ее книг оказались легче перышка. А этот один ее саркастический твит, пара веселых слов, камнем повисли на шее.


Ее комментарий посчитали трансфобным. Она попыталась объяснить свою позицию, что она против отказа от концепции пола, она против стирания женской идентичности, и хотя «транслюдей» она уважает и любит, но этим уже заколачивала гвозди в крышку своего гроба. «Люди которые» ее не поняли.

Роулинг думала, что она Зощенко, что она может высмеять глупость. А вот глупость так не думала…


Роулинг решила, что она лидер мнений, что это она формирует повестку, это она влияет на умы. А повестка так не думала.

Зощенко тоже, к слову, в 1946 году отомстили герои его рассказов, и он подвергся страшной травле. Хоть и гадко смотреть, как травят людей, и никто за них не смеет вступиться, но нельзя сказать, что прям мы впервые такое наблюдаем, и что будто есть что-то новое под солнцем.

Сancel culture. Культура бойкота. Я бы перевела как «культура вычеркивания». Мы кое-что знаем про то, как вычеркивают людей. Иногда это физическое уничтожение, а иногда уничтожение имени. Сегодня под крики «фашист», «расист», или не важно под что топчут всем миром бывших кумиров: и из мрамора, и из плоти.

Как устроено современное общество, что в нем стало возможно такое? Такое что? Варварство? Средневековье? Эти слова употребляют чаще других, когда говорят о нынешней травле… С другой стороны, интересно, как толерантность превратилась в движение нетерпимости? То есть в собственную противоположность.

Так как ответа нет, то воспользуемся старым способом. Похожести.

Много лет я монтирую один фильм. Ну не один. А три. Но все три – об одном и том же. Как жили в одном местечке евреи. Жили вместе с соседями, украинцами, немцами, чехами, жили близко к границе Польши. Жили очень мирно. Слова «жид» никто не слыхивал.

Погромы конца XIX века забылись еще в прошлом поколении. Да и осуществлялись они руками пришлых казаков. Про немцев же еще с прошлой (первой мировой) войны помнили, как отлично они воспитаны и как хорошо относятся к евреям.


И вот через две недели после начала войны без танков, без артобстрела, без демонстрации мощи, безо всяких лишних понтов немцы вошли в городок. Повесили на сельпо пару листовочек: «бей жидо-большевистскую власть», и для верности зачем-то пририсовали карикатуру Сталина с огромным носом, дескать вот главный ихний жидо-большевик и насильник трудового народа. Ну кто бы сейчас поверил, что это сработает. Вот такая топорная работа! И это вот хваленый Геббельс?! Кто б поверил, что с такими лозунгами местные примут немцев с хлебом солью?

Судите сами, насколько эффективным был этот подход, если усилиями местных при всего двух немецких автоматчиках в один день было расстреляно все еврейское население городка. Значит, верно немцы рассчитали, что в обычных советских провинциях, прошедших через голодомор, много недовольных большевиками, а ненависть к евреям – в крови, и если та кровь и не бьется в виски, то только до поры до времени. Я много лет слушаю свидетельства людей, чудом уцелевших в тех расправах. И все время одно и то же.

- Был ли антисемитизм до войны?
- Не было.
- В быту вас обзывали словом «жид»?
- Никогда.
- Какие были отношения с соседями?
- Отличные.
- Как немцы вошли в город, как быстро изменились к вам соседи?
- Сразу.

И уже который год я не могу этого понять. И который уже год за мной грех: я с опаской вглядываюсь в лица своих милых соседей.


А, может, и на другое был расчет оккупантов. Может, и правда, не надо никакого антисемитизма. Никакой глухой ненависти не требуется. Просто меняется ситуация, приходит кто-то с автоматом или без, вешает листовку, на которой написано: «Можно»!

И начинается. И никто не заступится.

Дмитрий Быков говорит, что народ в угоду новой политкорректности превращается в толпу погромщиков – и это, мол, новое средневековье. Я часто слышу такое. Ну, во-первых, обидно за средневековье. Средневековье было во многих смыслах гуманнее. И уж точно оно было гораздо более упорядочено, как и всякое традиционное общество. У Средневековья дурная репутация только потому, что оно по большей части само о себе молчало (не было писателей, философов, поэтов). А высказалась о Средневековье уже другая эпоха, эпоха Просвещения, ну и не пожалела сажи, живописуя нравы тех, от кого хотела дистанцироваться.

В нашей ситуации эффекта толпы гораздо больше, чем собственно средневековья. Толпы, где индивидуальность полностью растворяется (каким бы образованным и интеллигентным человек ни был отдельно от толпы).


Вам приходилось ли быть внутри толпы, приходилось ли дышать ее дыханием, чувствовать, как ваша кровь течет по единым жилам, как бьется в унисон с другими сердцами ваше сердчишко, ваш организм сливается с множеством других организмов? Какую мощь имеет этот драконище без головы!

Тут появляется одно совершенно страшное слово, то, что социологи называют «умственной однородностью» толпы. Страшное слово. В толпе умных нет. Средневековье тут ни при чем.


С одной стороны, вроде бы нравы смягчаются, есть некий вектор, движение общества по пути «гуманизации». Раньше инвалидов показывали в цирке, заставляли калечить друг друга. Вид казни давно не вызывает никаких зрительских инстинктов. А раньше-то ходили, и даже светские дамы. Или гладиаторские бои – та же мясорубка, но чуть более романтизированная голливудским кино. Сможет ли кто-то себе сейчас представить, что пойдет смотреть, как люди, лишенные всех прав, калечат и убивают друг друга. А когда-то в цивилизованном Риме это было культурное (почти) развлечение, ну как сейчас футбол, и даже христианские монахи поддавались зрительскому соблазну. И вдруг такой как бы откат, возвращение назад, архаизация.

Архаизация когда возникает? Когда кризис. Вот Советский Союз распался, постсоветские механизмы зашли в тупик, и общество двинулось назад: появились клановость, сталинизм, казаки, и прочее все нарядное архаичное.

Ну и почему откат, почему травля, почему сегодня не работают новые социальные механизмы? Потому что гуманизация не является формой стерилизации, а она стала. И превратилась в радикально непримиримое требование к толерантности.

Идея-то была прекрасной: не гнобить меньшинства – а включить их в общество, но она обернулась своей противоположностью, обернулась позитивной дискриминацией.


Когда в США белые мужики боятся пикнуть, потому что черные «люди которые» их с кашей сожрут. Что это я такое сейчас ляпнула не толерантное? Хорошо еще, что я не Джоан Роулинг. Нет у меня поклонников, которые бы от меня отвернулись. Издатели не прекратят сотрудничество со мной по договорам, нами не заключенным. Никто не вычеркнет мое имя из книг, мной не написанных. Могу позволить себе.

Tuesday, September 8, 2020

An Illusion of the Nordic Paradox

Is the ‘Nordic Paradox’ an illusion? Measuring intimate partner violence against women in Europe


Iñaki Permanyer & Amalia Gomez-Casillas
International Journal of Public Health (2020) | Cite this article | Metrics details

Objectives


Recent studies suggest that intimate partner violence (IPV) against women in Europe is highest among some of the most gender egalitarian countries in the world, like Sweden, Finland and Denmark. This paper aims at disentangling the so-called Nordic Paradox.

Methods


We have decomposed traditional IPV indicators into a ‘previous partner’ and ‘current partner’ components and presented new IPV indicators that are sensitive to the frequency of victimization. The new indicators are based on aggregated data from Agency for Fundamental Rights Survey on violence against women for the 28 EU Member States.

Results


The country rankings in terms of IPV levels change substantially when overall prevalence measures are substituted by their ‘previous partner’ and ‘current partner’ components and, especially, when considering the frequency of victimization. When comparing the traditional IPV prevalence ranking with the current partner violence repetition-sensitive indicator ranking, the Nordic countries fall several positions.

Conclusions


Our findings suggest that the prevalence of IPV tends to be higher in more gender-egalitarian countries because union formation and dissolution occur more often, but not because men are necessarily more violent against their partners.

Scatterplots comparing the share of women who had a previous partner (horizontal axes) with the standard intimate partner violence prevalence index P(upper panel), the previous partner repetition-sensitive intimate partner violence index pRp (middle panel), and the current partner repetition-sensitive intimate partner violence index cRc (lower panel) across the 28 EU Member States. Best-fit regression lines added to show the direction of the relationships. Notes: Reference population: women declaring that are currently married or in a civil partnership, living with a partner, involved in a relationship without living together. Country labels follow the ISO3166 codes: Austria (AT); Belgium (BE); Bulgaria (BG); Cyprus (CY); Czech Republic (CZ); Germany (DE); Denmark (DK); Estonia (EE); Greece (EL); Spain (ES); Finland (FI); France (FR); Croatia (HR); Hungary (HU); Ireland (IE); Italy (IT); Lithuania (LT); Luxembourg (LU); Latvia (LV); Malta (MT); Netherlands (NL); Poland (PL); Portugal (PT); Romania (RO); Sweden (SE); Slovenia (SI); Slovakia (SK); United Kingdom (UK); European Union (EU).

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

male mortal conspirology

Похоже, что зашкаливающий уровень насилия в отношении женщин есть оборотная сторона какого-то другого явления, которое так же безжалостно косит и мужчин.

читать по ссылке, в частности про Причуды демографии

Thursday, January 2, 2020

Zagain

ФБ поставил видео, где не так занудно, а быстро и доходчиво объясняется отличие поколения от других, в частности, от миллениалов.

Generation Z is stressed, depressed and exam-obsessed


For most youngsters getting good grades is a bigger worry than drinking or unplanned pregnancies



MOVE OVER, millennials. Young people now belong to “Generation Z”: a cohort which demographers usually define as people born since 1997. Researchers have devoted lots of effort to understanding the attitudes and experiences of people born in the 1980s and early 1990s (that is, millennials or generation Y), who are more educated and poorer than their elders are. But they have collected far fewer data about people who can barely remember a world without social media or smartphones. In America, that generation now makes up about a quarter of the population.

Most of the research so far about generation Z suggests that youngsters today are less hedonistic, better behaved and more lonely than ever before. A recent report by Pew Research Centre, a think-tank, reinforces that finding and sheds more light on this new cohort’s hopes and fears. In late 2018 Pew polled 920 Americans aged 13-17 about the problems that they have seen among their peers. The data show that they are far less concerned about age-old teenage problems like unplanned pregnancy and binge-drinking than they are about mental health. Fully 70% of respondents thought anxiety and depression were a major issue among their peers. Teenagers from poorer households tended to report a wider range of behavioural problems than those from rich households, but concerns about mental health seemed to affect both groups equally.

далее paywall, за что мы особенно любим интернет
если кто мо может — киньте остаток, пож