an analysis of pre-Dobbs abortion disparities in a rural, restrictive state
Mikaela H. Smith, Michelle McGowan, Payal Chakraborty, Robert B. Hood, Meredith P. Field, Danielle Bessett, Carolette Norwood, Alison H. Norris
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lana.2023.100441Get rights and content
Since 2010, many US states have passed laws restricting abortion providers’ ability to provide care. Such legislation has no demonstrated health benefits and creates inequitable barriers for patients.
To examine how Kentucky's abortion policies coincided with facility closures and abortion utilisation, we conducted a review of state abortion policies from 2010 to 2019 using newspapers and websites. We calculated abortion rates (abortions per 1000 women ages 15–44) by state of residence and provision for Kentucky, the South, and the US using data from the CDC and Kentucky Department of Health. We calculated percentages leaving and from out-of-state, and analysed abortions by race, pregnancy duration, and method.
Of 17 policies passed between 2010 and 2019, ten were enacted, including 20-week and telemedicine bans. One of Kentucky's two abortion facilities closed in 2017. The pooled average abortion rate in Kentucky (4.1) and for Kentuckians (5.8) was lower than national averages (11.8 and 11.1). An average of 38% of Kentuckians left their state for care, compared to 7% nationally. In 2019, the abortion rate in Kentucky was 5.8 times higher for Black patients than White patients (compared to 4.8 times nationally). The majority (62%) of abortions in Kentucky took place at 7–13 weeks' gestation.
Abortions in Kentucky were less frequent than in the South and US. The larger Black-White abortion rate gap reflects race- and class-based structural inequities in healthcare. Without federal protections, abortion access in Kentucky will continue waning.
This study was supported by a philanthropic foundation that makes grants anonymously.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lana.2023.100441Get rights and content
Background
Since 2010, many US states have passed laws restricting abortion providers’ ability to provide care. Such legislation has no demonstrated health benefits and creates inequitable barriers for patients.
Methods
To examine how Kentucky's abortion policies coincided with facility closures and abortion utilisation, we conducted a review of state abortion policies from 2010 to 2019 using newspapers and websites. We calculated abortion rates (abortions per 1000 women ages 15–44) by state of residence and provision for Kentucky, the South, and the US using data from the CDC and Kentucky Department of Health. We calculated percentages leaving and from out-of-state, and analysed abortions by race, pregnancy duration, and method.
Findings
Of 17 policies passed between 2010 and 2019, ten were enacted, including 20-week and telemedicine bans. One of Kentucky's two abortion facilities closed in 2017. The pooled average abortion rate in Kentucky (4.1) and for Kentuckians (5.8) was lower than national averages (11.8 and 11.1). An average of 38% of Kentuckians left their state for care, compared to 7% nationally. In 2019, the abortion rate in Kentucky was 5.8 times higher for Black patients than White patients (compared to 4.8 times nationally). The majority (62%) of abortions in Kentucky took place at 7–13 weeks' gestation.
Interpretation
Abortions in Kentucky were less frequent than in the South and US. The larger Black-White abortion rate gap reflects race- and class-based structural inequities in healthcare. Without federal protections, abortion access in Kentucky will continue waning.
Funding
This study was supported by a philanthropic foundation that makes grants anonymously.
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