сами карты постараюсь достать
Еще раз приглашаем вас на заседание студенческого общества "Демограф" 29 января (пятница) в 15.00.
Картирование ксенофобии в России.Докладчик: Томас Эспи, студент магистерской программы "Население и развитие" НИУ ВШЭ, МА (University of Pittsburgh).
Адрес: Мясницкая 9-11, ауд. 319а.
Встреча пройдет в двуязычном формате: слайды будут на русском языке, представляться презентация будет по-английски, а обсуждение пройдет на обоих языках.
Immediately following the upsurge in anti-immigrant hate and violence in Moscow’s Biryulevo Zapadnoe district in October 2013, the federal government of the Russian Federation enacted a new ethnic relations law, the first of its kind in over half a century. In analyzing the topic of xenophobia in Russia, this paper begins with a linear analysis of the prevalence of xenophobic attacks in the Russian Federation, as distributed temporally, geospatially, and across victim groups; in it, I will conclude that xenophobic attacks in Russia do not vary significantly across geographic area or time, though they do vary significantly across victim groups. The second is a network analysis of radical nationalist groups in Russia; the analysis focuses on categorical data of each nationalist group, so as to assess how these groups are affiliated. These affiliation networks (in sociograph form) concern geographic area (of operation and influence), organization structure, area of focus or audience, media type, symbols and thematic appeal, and year of establishment. In all, one may glean from these networks that policy-makers should focus their attention on interregional organizations using newspapers, websites, and blogs as media. One may also infer that something (events, policies, etc.) precipitated a significant uptick in the establishment of active xenophobic groups in 2006. These sociographs invite more questions for further research: what explains the rise in the establishment of new groups in 2006? Why do so many groups associate with no (or at least no known) symbols or motifs? How are these groups able to use such media as websites, blogs, and newspapers, given that said media is highly regulated in Russia? Why do they choose these media, given the regulatory environment? Do any advantages accrue to these groups based on their statuses (e.g., “interregional” and “organization”). How might these groups use their statuses to their advantage? This paper is a preliminary set of analyses that will be nested in a larger set of quantitative and qualitative analyses on xenophobia and xenophobic violence in Russia.
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